मैले सिकाएँ प्रचण्डलाई बन्दुक चलाउन !

०४५ सालतिर म अखिल भारत नेपाली एकता समाजमा काम गर्थेँ, त्यतिवेला हाम्रो माउ पार्टी थियो मशाल । मशालले नेपालमा जनयुद्धको तयारी गर्दै छ भन्ने सुनिएको थियो । मैले पहिला भारतीय सेनामा काम गरेको भन्ने थाहा थियो साथीहरूलाई । यस्तैमा पार्टी च्यानलबाट मलाई नेपाल जानुपर्ने भन्ने सूचना आयो । तर, किन भन्ने मेसो थिएन ।

भैरहवा हुँदै म नारायणगढ पुगेँ । त्यहाँ पुगेपछि साथीहरूले मलाई तत्कालीन मशालका महामन्त्री विश्वास (प्रचण्ड) कहाँ लैजानुभयो । विश्वासले पार्टी जनयुद्धमा जान लागेको बताउनुभयो ।

उहाँले मबाट पार्टीका नेताहरूले बन्दुक चलाउने तालिम लिन खोजेको पनि बताउनुभयो । पार्टीले मलाई त्यति धेरै विश्वास गरेको रहेछ, मलाई खुसी लाग्यो । त्यसैले मैले भनिदिएँ, 'म तालिम दिन तयार छु ।'

हाम्रो भेट विश्वासको घरमुनिको अर्कै घरमा भएको थियो । बादल पनि त्यही घरमा हुनुहुन्थ्यो । मैले भारतीय सेनामा तालिम लिँदाको अनुभव सुनाएँ अनुभव सुनेर उहाँहरू रोमाञ्चित हुनुभयो । प्रारम्भिक तालिम त्यही घरको आँगनमा तत्कालै सुरु भयो । आँगनमा प्रचण्ड र बादललाई पिटी खेलाएँ । हतियारबारे जानकारी पनि दिएँ ।

दोस्रो दिन पनि त्यहीँ बसियो । सामान्य तालिम भयो । तेस्रो दिन बादलले आफ्नै घरमा लग्नुभयो । उहाँको घर विश्वासको घरबाट नजिकै थियो ।

बादलजीको घरमा पुगेपछि उहाँले सामान्य तयारी गर्नुभयो, त्यहाँबाट पनि हामी अघि बढ्यौँ । हामी नारायणगढ हुँदै मुग्लिङ पुग्यौँ । त्यसपछि पनि अघि बढ्यौँ, त्यो बाटोमा मेरो पहिलो यात्रा थियो, भूगोलबारे जानकारी थिएन । त्यसैले बादल कमरेडले जताजता लैजानुभयो म त्यतैत्यतै गएँ । खास कुन ठाउँ जाने हो, थाहा थिएन ।

साँझपख बगर भएको ठाउँमा पुग्यौँ । अनि उकालो लागेर राति जंगलमा पुग्याँै । रातिराति हिँडेर अलि माथि गाउँमा पुग्यौँ । डाँडामा पुगेपछि जंगल सुरु भयो । बाटो अलिक सुनसान भयोे । केहीबेर पछि गाउँ आयो, ठाउँ गोरखा सिरानचोकको फेद रहेछ भन्ने पछि थाहा भयो ।

सिरानचोक पुगेपछि पो थाहा भयो, थुप्रै नेता जम्मा भइसक्नुभएको रहेछ । विश्वासलाई त हामीले चितवनमा छोडेका थियौँ, तर उहाँ हामीभन्दा पहिले नै सिरानचोक पुगिसक्नुभएको रहेछ । साथमा कमरेड किरण पनि हुनुहुँदो रहेछ । किरणलाई त मैले पहिले नै चिनेको थिएँ ।

हामी १०/१२ जना थियौँ । राति ११ बजेतिर गाउँमा छरिएर सुत्यौँ । मलाई अर्को दिन के गर्ने भन्ने जानकारी थिएन । राति सबै साथीसँग परिचय पनि भएन ।

म नेपाल भित्रिएको चौथो दिन थियो, बिहान ६ बजे उठ्यौँ । जंगलमा गएर नेताहरूले तालिम सुरु गरौँ भन्नुभयो, मैले उहाँहरूलाई लाइन लगाएर एक घन्टाजति पिटी खेलाएँ । खाजा खाने वेलामा बल्ल परिचय भयो । त्यसपछि तालिम निरन्तर भयो ।

नजिकैको जंगलमा शिविर सञ्चालन भयो । म हतियार, शारीरिक र युद्धकलाबारे तालिम दिन्थेँ । विश्वासजी सैन्य विज्ञानसम्बन्धी सैद्धान्तिक विषयमा प्रशिक्षण दिनुहुन्थ्यो । पाखामा नौ बजेतिर घाम लाग्थ्यो, जंगलमा गोठाला पनि आउँथे, उनीहरूले थाहा नपाउन् भन्नेमा पनि सचेत हुनुपथ्र्यो । दिउँसो हतियारको तालिम, बेलुका सैद्धान्तिक तालिम, दैनिक रुटिनजस्तै बन्यो ।

त्यहाँ मैले उहाँहरूलाई दुस्मनमाथि निसाना साध्ने, राइफल खोल्ने, जोड्ने, गोली लोड/अनलोड गर्ने भन्ने सिकाएँ । राइफलका पार्टपुर्जाबारे जानकारी दिएँ ।

दुस्मनमाथि हमला गर्न जाँदा कसरी जाने, कस्तो भूगोलमा कस्तो नीति तयार गर्ने, दुस्मनको पोजिसन हेरेर अगाडि कसरी बढ्ने, आफूतिर कम मात्र खति गराएर कसरी जित हासिल गर्ने भन्ने विषय पनि तालिममा थिए ।

त्यति मात्र होइन, एम्बुस कसरी बनाउने, कसरी थाप्ने भन्ने पनि सिकाएँ । आक्रमण-प्रत्याक्रमणका योजनाबारे सबै योजना सुनाएँ । दुस्मनको ब्यारेक कब्जा गरेपछि पुनः कसरी मोर्चाबन्दी गर्ने र र्फकने भन्ने कुरा पनि तालिममा थियो । तालिमसँगै 'प्राक्टिकल' पनि हुन्थ्यो । कुनै निश्चित ठाउँलाई दुस्मनको किल्ला मानेर लडाइँको तालिम लिइन्थ्यो । त्यसैमा नेताहरू घाइते भएको अभिनय गर्थे, दुस्मनको घाइतेलाई नियन्त्रणमा लिने र आफ्नो घाइतेलाई उद्धार गर्ने तालिम पनि दिइयो ।

तालिम एक साता चल्यो । तर, एक ठाउँमा एक दिन मात्र तालिम लियौँ । जंगलमा दिनहुँ ठाउँ फेथ्र्यौं । सुरक्षा र गोपनीयताका लागि यस्तो गरेको हो । व्यवस्थापनमा गोरखाका पार्टीकै साथी खट्नुभएको थियो । जंगलमा बस्ने र खानपिनलगायतको व्यवस्थापन राम्रै थियो । खाना सामान्य नै थियो ।

त्यहाँ विश्वास कमरेडले सैद्धान्तिक विषयमा तालिम दिनुभयो । म युद्धकलाको प्रशिक्षक भए पनि कम्युनिस्टसम्बन्धी धेरै सैद्धान्तिक ज्ञान जान्ने मौका पाएँ । बन्दुक चलाउन मैले सिकाए पनि बम बनाउन उहाँले पहिले नै सिक्नुभएको रहेछ । मैले पनि विश्वासबाटै सिकेँ । तालिम लिँदा सबै साथीमा उत्साह नै थियो । विश्वास कमरेड, बादल कमरेड र आलोकलगायतले खुवै रुचि राखेर सिक्नुभयो ।

थ्री नट थ्री राइफलमा एक म्यागजिन गोली थिए । तर, हामीले त्यहाँ एउटा गोली पनि पड्काएनौँ । उहाँहरूलाई बेनेट फाइटिङ (युद्धका वेला गोली सकिए राइफलमा संगीन राखेर दुस्मनसँग लड्ने तरिका) का बारेमा पनि सिकाएँ मैले । यसमा आलोक (यानप्रसाद गौतम जो युद्धकालमा मारिए) निकै चुस्त थिए ।

'प्राक्टिकल' गर्दा दुस्मन ढिस्काढिस्कीबाट आइराखेको छ भन्ने अनुमान राखेर त्यहीअनुसार लड्ने गथ्र्यौं । समूह विभाजन गथ्र्यौं, सपोर्टिङ समूहले फायरिङ गर्ने, लड्ने टिम अगाडि बढ्ने हुन्थ्यो । सुतेर, उठेर वा बसेर कसरी अगाडि बढ्ने भन्ने भूगोलअनुसार हुन्थ्यो । उहाँहरू पालैपालो बन्दुक समातेर यसै गर्नुहुन्थ्यो ।

'दुस्मनलाई कतिवेला आक्रमण गर्नुपर्छ ?' उहाँहरूको प्रश्न हुन्थ्यो । म जतिवेला दुस्मन लाचार, कमजोर र विकेन्दि्रत हुन्छ, त्यहीवेला आक्रमण गर्नुपर्छ भन्थेँ । झमक्क साँझ पर्दा, मध्यरातमा, बिहान उठ्ने वेला, पानी परिरहेको वेला, हावाहुरी लागेको वेला, हिउँ परिरहेको वेला आक्रमण गर्न पनि सजिलो हुन्छ भन्ने जानकारी दिएँ ।

दिनभर तालिम लिन्थ्यौँ । राति सुत्नेवेलामा सेन्ट्री बस्नुपथ्र्यो । उहाँहरू पालैपालो सेन्ट्री बस्नुहुन्थ्यो । दुई-दुईजना दुईवटा सेन्ट्रीमा बस्ने गरेका थियौँ । तर, मलाई प्रशिक्षक भनेर उहाँहरूले सेन्ट्रीमा बसाल्नुभएन ।

मैले त्यहाँ एसएलआर, एसएमजी, एलएमजीलगायतका हतियारको तालिम दिन चाहेको थिएँ, तर हतियार भएनन् । तर पनि त्यतिवेलासम्म फौजी क्षेत्रमा यस्ता-यस्ता हतियार प्रयोग भइरहेका छन् भन्ने जानकारी दिएँ उहाँहरूलाई । टु इन्च मोर्टार, थ्री इन्च मोर्टारको बारेमा पनि जानकारी दिएँ । युद्धकला सिक्ने ड्रेस त थिएन, तर टाउकामा स्याउला राखेर जंगलमा दौडनुहुन्थ्यो उहाँहरू ।

उहाँहरूले दुस्मनबाट हतियार खोसेर जम्मा गर्ने हो, किनेर ल्याउने होइन भन्नुहुन्थ्यो । तालिम सिकियो, अब दुस्मनकै हतियार खोसेर लड्ने हो भन्नुहुन्थ्यो विश्वास ।

बिदाइ समारोहपूर्व एउटा कार्यक्रम भयो । तालिमको समीक्षा भयो । तालिम ऐतिहासिक महत्त्वको भएको भन्नुभयो नेताहरूले । यद्यपि यो प्रारम्भिक चरणको हो भनियो । उद्देश्य प्राप्तिका लागि महत्त्वपूर्ण छ, निरन्तरता दिनेछौँ भन्नुभयो । उहाँहरू बन्दुकलाई निकै माया गर्नुहुन्थ्यो, क्रान्तिको साधन भनेर पनि होला । सायद धर्ममा विश्वास गर्ने भए पूजा नै गरेर राख्नुहुन्थ्यो होला ।

सिरानचोकबाट र्फकने वेलामा आ-आफ्नो बाटोबाट हिँड्यौँ । म र एकजना साथी मस्र्याङ्दी नदीको किनारैकिनार भएर मुग्लिङ आयौँ र नारायणगढ पुग्यौँ । नारायणगढमा रहेको विश्वासको घरमा पुग्दा उहाँ पहिले नै त्यहाँ आइपुग्नुभएको थियो । एक दिन त्यहाँ बसेँ । त्यहाँ पनि चार-पाँचजना साथीलाई सामान्य तालिम दिएँ । अर्को दिन म फिर्ता भएँ ।

निकै उत्साहपूर्वक, इच्छाशक्तिका साथ तालिम लिएका थिए नेताहरूले । तालिम दिएर फकर्ंदा मलाई त्यतिवेला विश्वास थियो कि यो टिमले केही गर्छ । अहिले हेर्दा मेरो विश्वास सार्थक भयो भन्ने लाग्छ ।

को हुन् पाठक ?

गुल्मी पौदीअमराई- ९ मा २००६ जन्मेका पाठक १९६७ मा भारतीय गोर्खा आर्मीमा भर्ना भएका थिए । उनी १९७१ मा भारत-पाकिस्तान युद्ध लडे । आर्मीमा भएकै वेला उनी दाइलाई भेट्न दिल्ली गए । त्यहाँ एउटा कार्यक्रममा सहभागी भए, जहाँ कम्युनिस्टको बारेमा धेरै कुरा सुने । कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीका नेतालाई भेट्ने मौका पाए दिल्लीमा उनले ।

उनले सेनाभित्र स्वतन्त्र ढंगले बस्न खोज्ने मानिसका लागि उपयुक्त वातावरण नभएकोे भनेर राजीनामा गरे १९७४ मा । जागिर छाडेपछि उनी पञ्जावमा गए र बैंकमा जागिर सुरु गरे । त्यहाँ उनले नेपालीको अवस्था देखेपछि एउटा संस्था नै बनाए । १९७७ मा उनले अखिल भारत नेपाली समाज बनाए अरू साथीहरूसँग मिलेर । पछि अरू नेताहरूले १९७९ मा अखिल भारत नेपाली एकता समाज गठन गरे । उनी आफू संस्थापक सदस्य रहेको संगठन छाडेर अखिल भारत नेपाली एकता समाजमा प्रवेश गरे । त्यही संस्थामा रहँदा २२ वर्ष पहिले तालिम दिन नेपाल भित्रिएका थिए ।

हाल उनी माओवादीको केन्द्रीय सल्लाहकार सदस्य छन् । जनयुद्धपूर्वको पहिलो तालिममा प्रशिक्षक पाठक थिए । प्रचण्ड र पाठक सम्धी-सम्धी हुन् । प्रचण्डपुत्री रेणु र पाठकपुत्र अर्जुनबीच विवाह भएको छ ।

को-को थिए तालिममा सहभागी ?

गोरखाको सिरानचोकमा करिब १५-१६ जनाको टोलीले तालिम लिएको थियो । माओवादी सचिव दिवाकरका अनुसार टोलीमा हालका माओवादी अध्यक्ष तथा तत्कालीन मोटो मशालका महामन्त्री विश्वास (प्रचण्ड), उपाध्यक्ष मोहन वैद्य (किरण), महासचिव रामबहादुर थापा (बादल), सचिव पोष्टबहादुर बोगटी (दिवाकर), माओवादी सचिवालय सदस्य देवप्रसाद गुरुङ, दण्डपाणि न्यौपाने (हाल बेपत्ता), यानप्रसाद गौतम (आलोक जनयुद्धका क्रममा मारिए), माओवादी पोलिटब्युरो सदस्य हरिभक्त कँडेल, हाल जनसेनाका डिभिजन कमान्डर रहेका सन्तु दराई, माओवादी केन्द्रीय सदस्य दिनेश शर्मा, किसुन मण्डल, ज्ञानु श्रेष्ठ, विष्णुहरि सुवेदी अटल थिए । तालिममा सहभागी दिनेश शर्माले खोटाङका राजविक्रम राई पनि उक्त तालिममा सहभागी रहेको जानकारी दिए ।

Source:

Democracy for the long hau

There has been a lot of discontent expressed about the peace process in the Nepali media, and some have even begun to raise questions about democracy itself. The irresponsible behaviour of political leaders as well as the deteriorating law and order situation are fuelling the discontent.

Many people are dissatisfied due to the spectacle of the ongoing political manoeuvring for positions and perks by the elected leaders. Other people may not be happy because they perceive threats to their traditional privileges by the ongoing changes, while others may not be happy because democracy

has not delivered many things they expected.

One reason people are frustrated with Nepali democracy is that they find it lacking in many aspects when they compare it with established democracies. One should not expect the same things in established and new democracies. Democracy theorist Philippe Schmitter argues that new democracies in the developing world should not be compared with the same criteria with established democracies that evolved over a much longer period and faced many similar problems during their evolution.

All problems will not be addressed the moment democracy is introduced. If one were to look at the established democracies where a better law and order situation and more responsive governance prevail, those qualities did not emerge in one stroke. The older democracies took centuries to include more citizens in the polity and become responsive and accountable to the people. The foundation for democracy was laid in Britain with the Magna Carta of 1215 that respected the rights of the elite lords. It took centuries for other democratic rights such as freedom of speech, the bill of rights and universal

suffrage to become part of the British democracy.

Similarly the US did not grant suffrage rights to blacks and women for a couple of centuries despite the lofty words in its constitution. Various restrictions that prevented blacks from voting were lifted only in 1964 in the US. The US and the UK provided universal and equal suffrage to women only in 1920 and 1928 respectively, a long time after men had obtained similar rights. The Swiss enfranchised women only in 1971. Established democracies like New Zealand and Belgium initiated major political reforms in recent decades to deepen their democracies. Many of these changes did not come by themselves. The people had to struggle and launch movements for a long period of time.

Democracy is a long-term project. This does not mean that people should remain pliant and do nothing about the problems plaguing the polity. People should mobilise to expand their rights and make the government more responsive. The established democracies consolidated and deepened over time only with continuous struggles by its people to make their polity progressively more responsive and participatory.

In the context of Nepal, one way to assess whether we are moving forward in the democratic project is to compare the current polity with past democratic epochs. Has the post-2006 Nepali polity become more democratic than the polity of the 1990s? There are still many problems, but the comparison resoundingly says that the post-2006 polity is far better than the previous ones for a large number of the common people. Around 2.4 million Nepalis without citizenship certificates obtained the documents after 2006. The monarchy, the fountainhead of feudalism, was abolished in 2008. Elements of feudalism still exist, even among the self-declared “anti-feudalists”; but feudalism has been nevertheless weakened with its anchor gone.

The Nepali state has been declared secular, paving the way for making followers of all religions and non-believers more equal. The adoption of a mixed electoral method has reduced the creation of an artificial majority by the single-member district method and has better reflected the people’s votes in Parliament. Women have attained 33 percent representation in the Constituent Assembly for the first time in Nepal’s history. The Dalits have also made significant gains in the Constituent Assembly and the cabinet. The country is set to adopt federalism that will take governance closer to the people, and empower diverse groups and millions of citizens. Even some of the political parties have become more democratic, and younger generation leaders have begun to occupy more influential positions in party organisations and in public institutions like the Constituent Assembly.

These are major achievements of the 2006 regime change that will make the future Nepali democracy qualitatively much deeper than the previous experiments. Of course, major problems still remain: The culture of impunity is more or less intact, politicisation of the administration continues, the peace process appears to be in the doldrums and no one can guarantee that it will not falter, the law and order situation has deteriorated, and politicians still squabble over positions and perks leaving important issues on the side.

The old constitution has been dismantled and a new one is yet to be made. Such a situation creates uncertainties, including among politicians and administrators, because the polity is in a state of flux and hence administrators may not act decisively. Once the country adopts a new constitution and the polity begins to stabilise if the new constitution is acceptable to the people, then some of the problems due to the transition will be reduced. However, some problems like weak accountability and the culture of impunity may continue even after the new constitution is adopted. The challenge to the Nepali people, therefore, will be to progressively work, perhaps through advocacy, awareness raising and even movements, to reduce such problems.   

Democracy provides space and opportunities to  make citizens’ voices heard, and to organise and mobilise to influence the leaders and the political process. They must utilise these opportunities if they want to make the polity better. The more people organise, the sooner some of the problems might be addressed in some ways. The global history of democracy tells us that citizens have obtained more power, the polities have become more accountable, and democracies have deepened when citizens have organised and mobilised.

Nepal’s history till date also supports this thesis. More Nepalis have been empowered post-2006 because they struggled for their rights. If Nepalis want to improve the democracy the country has, they will have to work for it. The global trend gives plenty of hope—with people’s efforts, democracies have deepened globally. More people today are living under freer societies and deeper democracies than ever before.

By: MAHENDRA LAWOTI

Source: www.ekantipur.com

Why reservation for Dalits?

The Dalits of Nepal are socially, politically, economically, educationally and religiously backward and discriminated against. The population of Dalit represents 13.05 percent of the total population of the country. Still this statistic is debatable. Dalit leader, intellectuals and non-government organisations working for Dalit are refusing this statistic. They claim that the Dalit population represents around 20 percent of the total population. There are two reasons behind the less number of Dalit i.e. the family names of Dalit are similar to higher caste and some Dalit do not like to be recognised as Dalit.


The Dalit movement was initiated in 2004 in Nepal. Before that, the pace of the movement was slow. At that time, this issue was raised as social issue but not as a human right. After democracy dawned in the country in 2007 BS, the government denied to take the issues of Dalit seriously between 2007 to 2020. The Dalit leader played a vital role in shaping the Dalit movement in this period, preparing guidelines for the movement. They entered in the temple of Lord Pashupatinath. Political parties were also reluctant to raise the issue of Dalit in the meantime.

Legally, the caste discrimination and untouchability were prohibited in 2020 following the introduction of New Legal Code 2020. This was really a positive initiative from the government because it was a historical breakthrough for Dalit. Nevertheless, that legal code was not fully practiced in the daily life due to social obstacle and reluctance of the government. The Dalit leaders also continued the movement during Panchayat regime for dignified life. Some Dalit leaders were appointed in the parliament (Rastriya Panchayat). At that time, the government did not work for Dalit intensively.


After the restoration of democracy, the constitution of the kingdom of Nepal absolutely avoided all kinds of discrimination among people. The constitution claimed that all citizens shall be equal before the law and no person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws. The state also committed that the state shall not discriminate citizens on grounds of religion, race, sex, caste, tribe or ideological conviction or any of these. The state has also committed that no person shall, on the basis of caste, be discriminated against as untouchable, be denied access to any public place, or be deprived of the use of public utilities. Any contravention of this provision shall be punishable by law.

The legal code was reformed after the restoration of democracy. Even though the government provisioned not to enter the temple for Dalit. So, it can be proved that the people who are in decision-making level are very negative on the issues of Dalit even now. Therefore, the provision of the legal code inconsistent with the constitution was null and void after a petition was filed in the Supreme Court. The legal code has made provision that social discrimination and untouchability were punishable. Nevertheless, only few cases have been registered in the court.

Dalit leaders, non-government organisation, the state, political parties and others are working for Dalit though there are no fundamental changes in the lives of Dalit. The main reason behind it is the lack of reservation for them. Provision of reservation must be made for Dalit due to following reasons:

Social discrimination
             Dalits are not allowed to marry with other high caste and even in other Dalit castes. If they marry with high caste or even in the other Dalit communities society does not accept and they have to live outside the village and city. They are not allowed to take out drinking water from the same wells used by Brahman and Chhetri in the same time. They are not allowed to enter the hotels, shops or high caste peoples’ home. They have to wash glass and plates after drinking tea and eating food in hotels and homes. In the rural area, they are not allowed to sit or eat with high caste people at social gatherings, ceremonies, feasts and festivals. Social boycott is done as a method to punish if they disobey the order of high caste people.

Political discrimination:
                 All political parties have provisions to uplift the status of Dalit and their political participation in certain level in their manifestos. But it is not in practice. None of the Dalit is member in the executive committee of political parties so far except one alternative executive member in CPN-UML. No Dalit is a chairman and vice chairman of District Development Committee so far. Only one member of Parliament was elected in the House of Representatives. So it can be said that Dalits are used only as vote bank. On the other hand, political leaders and worker are involved in caste discrimination.
The political leaders are also reluctant to formulate new Acts in favour of Dalit. Ex-member of Parliament Pari Thapa registered the Untouchability (Crime and Punishment) proposed bill in 2053 but the government and political parties do not present it in the parliament. The government has formed Marginalised, Oppressed and Dalit Welfare Development Committee in 2054 to formulate, design and execute appropriate policy and programme for the socio-economic development of marginalised, oppressed and Dalit communities. But its role and programme execution are not effective. However, the government has already established the National Commission of Dalit and announced that the caste discrimination cases are state cases.

Economic discrimination
                    Eighty percent of the Dalit population lives below the poverty line with per capita income of US $ 39.6 and only one percent of them possessing cultivatable land. They are skilled manpower but their skill is neglected by society. It is difficult to market goods produced by Dalits nowadays also. They are suffering from different indirect barriers to work in the public place. Many Dalits are also now regularly following conventional occupation ie, balighare pratha, doli pratha and hali pratha. They cannot run hotels and shop freely.

Educational discrimination
              The literacy rate of Dalit in Nepal is only 23.80 percent. The reasons behind it are existing discriminatory practices in educational institutions in some places of the country, poverty and inaccessibility of scholarship. Dalit cannot join Sanskrit schools. There is strict prohibition to study Sanskrit University in Dang. Only few persons are graduated so that most of them are deprived of the opportunities for better employment.

Religious discrimination
                   The origin of caste discrimination in Nepal is religion. Hence Dalit are extremely oppressed in religious sector. They are not allowed to enter temples, study Sanskrit, worship gods and goddess and follow religious rituals. As a result many Dalits have adopted Christianity.
There is no representation of Dalits in government civil service, Human Rights Commission, other commissions and judiciary sector. Provision of reservation is necessary to uplift their socio-economic, educational, political and religious condition in Nepal. Reservation is not the ultimate goal of Dalit movement, but it should be retained till the discriminatory practices exist in the society and Dalits are not able to lead a dignified life as the other citizens.

By: Suresh Mijar

Source: http://www.ekantipur.com/the-kathmandu-post/2010/03/24/Letters/letters-to-the-editor/6527/

Tiny Hands On Offer

As I was adjusting my woolen scarf during my regular morning walk, I caught sight of a girl, maybe 8 years old, who was searching in a heap of garbage with a big dirty sack hanging from her left shoulder. I had to take a detour from my usual route because of the street dogs chasing and barking at her.

Nothing unusual! I know it. Yet, I found myself pretty occupied with the sight of that girl, which later prompted me to turn the pages of a recent International Labour Organisation (ILO) report that had been lying on my table since last week. The report reveals that about 1.93 million children in age group 5 to 7 years are involved in child labour in Nepali urban areas; 200,000 in the Kathmandu valley alone. These child labourers typically work more than 65 hours a week and approximately 1.4 million of them work under severely exploitative and unsafe conditions.

Various UN organizations’ reports on child labour have shown that in rural areas children predominantly work in farms, while in cities they are mainly involved in manual labour in domestic household activities, carpet factories, brick kilns, leather factories, transport industries, restaurants, and other such businesses. In recent days, cases of children being forcefully involved in illegal activities have also surfaced. According to a caste and ethnicity disaggregated data set, the majority of the Nepali child labour force belongs to various Janajati groups, a few from Newar community and only 29 percent from Brahmin-Chettri families.

The decade-plus long insurgency has been a major contributing factor in increased numbers of child labourers in the country. Many rural families sent their children to cities out of apprehension of them being targets of Maoist combatants or security forces. Disrupted subsistence livelihoods, illiteracy and extreme poverty also pushed families to send their children to work outside their native villages. As a result, the majority of these children ended up as child labourers or slaves. It is estimated, that more than 80 percent of these children got trapped in the worst forms of child slave labour.

Child slave labour is still so profoundly ingrained in some communities of Nepal that most of female victims are denied even primary schooling. For example, although the Kamaiya system of slavery has been abolished, ex-Kamaiyas and their children are still at a high risk of bondage due to absence of necessary rehabilitation and integration provisions and existing discrimination against female children.

Along with child slave labour, some communities also use children for a religiously approved form of child prostitution. The most alarming and unique of such cultural practices is the Deuki system used in far western Nepal.

The practice of Deuki entails parents offering their female children to local temples to serve the deity in the belief that they will be blessed in return. In ancient times, Deukis were regarded as sacred temple slaves or dancers who after reaching puberty were asked to provide sexual services to male priests and worshippers.

There are reports that this practice has been modernized and contemporary Deukis are even sold to bidders. These girls become extremely vulnerable, not only to exposure to sex at young ages, but also to child-prostitution. Empirical evidence from several African countries has revealed that such exposure leads children towards a vicious circle whereby they are forced to embrace prostitution as a profession for survival. According to a report of Maiti Nepal, Nepal’s largest anti-trafficking non-governmental organization, which also operates a hospice for HIV/AIDS positive trafficking victims and their children, the majority of women and girls rescued and repatriated as sex workers from India test positive for HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs).

The 1990 Constitution has vowed to protect the interests of children, conferring their fundamental rights. The Interim Constitution also guarantees child interests, protection and rights. Apart from these, the Children’s Act, 1992, and the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 2002, are other key regulations that aim to prevent children from child labour and sexual abuse. It is disheartening to know that despite these measures, the number of Deukis is increasing. According to a UN report, there are now more than 30,000 Deukis in Nepal compared to 17,000 in 1992.

Although Nepal has been one of the first countries to ratify ILO conventions 138 on the Minimum Age for Employment and 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, the prolonging political turmoil has negatively impacted the development and implementation of national compliance mechanisms, policies and strategies.

Widespread impunity of the slaveholders and children traffickers, lax law enforcement, poverty, disintegration of families, migration, lack of protection to children at risk and ignorance on the part of parents have been crucial contributing factors to the growing demand for young children in the global sex market. Although on-going efforts by many international and national non-government organizations present a hopeful picture, they need to be cautious as the agenda is not as straightforward as it appears. This is mainly due to the fact that it is intertwined with a number of larger socio-economic issues prevalent in our communities. Hence, a coherent and holistic approach has to be followed—perhaps in a consortium mode wherein each consortium member organization focuses on its own specialization area, while working collectively towards the common goal of the elimination of child labour and slavery.

By: BHAWANA UPADHYAY 

Source: http://www.ekantipur.com/2010/12/19/oped/tiny-hands-on-offer/326748/

Visit Nepal Year 2011

    Nepal is a country of highly diverse and rich geography, culture, and religions. The mountainous north contains eight of the world’s ten highest mountains, including the highest, Mount Everest.

The fertile and humid south is heavily urbanized. By some measures, Hinduism is practiced by a greater majority of people in Nepal than in any other nation. The natural scenery, high mountains, incomparable cultural heritage and numerous specialties have made Nepal a well-known destination in the world tourism map with a distinct image of its own. However, the development of tourism is limited in number and within the certain areas of the country only. The new government has shown greater concerns about the real value of tourism and its role in contributing to economic growth, poverty alleviation, equity and overall tourism development in the country.

Therefore, the government is placing high priority on the tourism sector in its new economic development policy. As there is a favorable political situation in the country, the government is all geared towards economic revolution in next 10 years for the up-liftment of the masses. In this connection, government of Nepal in consultation with Nepalese Tourism Industry, concerned organizations and experts decided to launch a national tourism campaign "Nepal Tourism Year 2011". This announcement reflects the government’s anticipation to bring into at least one million international tourists in Nepal by the year 2011 and spread the benefits of tourism to the people at large. The national campaign also indicates the tourism industry’s exigency to organize a tourism promotion campaign having wider impact.

With the glittering badge of adventure destination and the adage “Atithi Devo Bhava” (Guests are Gods) that reflects "Atithi Satkar, Nepaliko Sanskar" (Hospitality is Nepalese culture) deeply rooted in our culture, the tourism products of Nepal never cease to mesmerize the visitors. The cultural, geographical, ethnic and bio-diversities of the country allure international visitors to Nepal time and again which truly substantiates the spirit of Nepal tourism brand; ‘Naturally Nepal, once is not enough !

The concept of Nepal Tourism Year 2011 envisions harnessing these opportunities and strengths and bringing together the commitment of the government, expertise and experiences of the organizations like Nepal Tourism Board, aptitude and dynamism of the private sector and communities for further tourism development in the country. Active involvement of the major political parties, members of the Constitution Assembly and Right groups is always taken into consideration in order to make the campaign inclusive and participatory in modus operandi and effective in result. The campaign will also focus on mobilizing the networks of the Non-Resident Nepalis (NRN) communities, Nepalese diplomatic missions abroad, I/NGOs, airlines, and national and international media. Similarly, friends and well-wishers of Nepal, tourism academicians and celebrities will also be approached in order to highlight the campaign internally as well as internationally. This is also called Visit Nepal Year 2011.

See some Video about Nepal:

Source:http://peopleboat.com/articles-section/44-events/627-2010-10-06-19-29-01.html 

            www.youtube.com

          

Lesson From Bihar

                  Tihar this year found my family in reunion. My brother had just returned from the US after studying and living there for four years. We were all in Mahottari to celebrate the festival of lights and the Chhath festival too, which was approaching soon. My parents made plans to visit our relatives in Bihar, whom we hadn’t seen for a long time due to our busy schedules. We decided to do the needful and hired an Indian jeep to make the big trip.

Bihar sprung back to my mind from childhood days—I remembered its poverty and backward mindset. Girls were never encouraged to go to school. I used to feel sorry for my cousins who were growing up there.

The jeep arrived at our door the next morning and we started early from Jaleshwor. Upon arriving at the Bhitthamod border, we took an entry pass for the road that would take us to our relatives’ village.

As soon as we crossed the border, we began to feel a big difference. Our bottoms were sore from travelling on the Nepali roads with their endless potholes and uneven surface. The Indian side, however, had us seated undisturbed—their roads were tarred neat and we were hardly even budged. The last time I remember travelling on this road, I had a hard time figuring out the road from the potholes. We would be rattled so hard that our heads would hit the roof of the car. Journeys were nightmarish during the monsoons, when ponds would flood roads, and the village would turn into a big grey pool.

My present journey, however, was going quite well on this newly tarred road and I found the answer to my surprise on roadside propaganda: “Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana” (Prime Minister Rural Road Scheme), a signboard said. We stopped for some refreshments and my father asked a person at the tea stall about this new phenomenon. He replied proudly in Maithili, “Aab Bihar ke Halat Pahile jika nahai. Sarkar bahut bikash ka rahal hai (Bihar is no longer like what it was before. The state government has done a lot for its development).”

We resumed our journey and stopped at a village named Pirokhar—the maiden home of my aunt. The place was serene and its cool mango orchards felt heavenly to a city person like me. Buses passed by, unshaken by potholes and my maternal uncle shared how easy life had become after the road project—it had made things convenient for locals to take their agricultural produce to the market.

More tarring of the roads was going on at some points and our jeep slowed down to witness these small steps that had transformed the road to Bihar. I found myself envying Biharis for this facility. A few years ago, I used to tease my relatives there about their poor infrastructure and the corruption that ran deep in their state. But it seemed to me that we had swapped spots this time—I was the one to be made fun of! I dreaded meeting my cousins now and thought it best to keep the truth about Nepali roads to myself.

With these thoughts, fuel ran out and the car came to a halt. We had to wait until the driver got a gallon of petrol from a nearby depot. Meanwhile, school girls in uniforms passed by and looked at us inquisitively. Elderly people and cattle grazers carried pride in their countenance. The sun shone brightly and I thought I saw contentment in their eyes. It certainly was true that when one’s state is developed, citizens live in dignity regardless of income. After paying short visits to three more relatives at different points, we finally reached a town called Pupree. At a railway crossing, I found myself gaping at the train that passed by. It was very well-managed and luxurious compared with our Janakpur-Jaynagar railway which goes off the track several times a day putting hundreds of lives in peril, while during the monsoons, rainwater drips from the ceiling.

We reached Behera around 1 a.m. and had a sumptuous Mithila meal prepared by my aunt. My uncle said that the Bihar government gave every female student a stipend of IRs. 2,000 to buy a bicycle for easy access to school. Books and uniform were free of cost, too. “Even Dalit girls are going to school now,” he added. My uncle’s narration made me marvel at Bihar’s progress. From being dogmatic about girls’ education, this state had gone on to include the Dalits too.

We had to return home by late evening, and could not stay there for too long. Our last stop was at a village called Sahajauli, where my mother’s elder sister lived. It was getting dark by the time we reached there, but the road was good. It took us an hour and a half to come back to the Nepali border and I couldn’t help but have mixed feelings at the point of crossing over—I was happy to meet my relatives after so many years, but my visit to Bihar this autumn blew me over with the transformation it had undergone. Bihar was almost at the point of no return in terms of governance a few years ago, and now it has surprised everyone. If this state can change from being one of the worst in India to an exemplary one, can’t our country do the same?

BY: Prasun Singh

Source:http://www.ekantipur.com/the-kathmandu-post/2010/12/17/expression/lessons-from-bihar/216163/

Study shows sex addicts fear intimacy

AFP

Photo illustration. Sex addicts feel threatened by intimacy and are more insecure about romantic relationships than the rest of the population, a New Zealand study has found.

    Sex addicts feel threatened by intimacy and are more insecure about romantic relationships than the rest of the population, a New Zealand study has found.

The survey of more than 600 people found those who indulged in compulsive sexual behaviour felt anxious and insecure about relationships and tried to avoid becoming too emotionally attached to others.

Massey University said the study, conducted by psychology honours student Karen Faislander under the supervision of a practicing clinical psychologist and an academic specialist, was the first of its type in New Zealand.

Faislander said sex addiction, which made headlines this year with revelations about Tiger Woods' love life, was a complex condition that had not been researched as thoroughly as areas such as substance abuse or depression.

She said the term "sex addict" first emerged in the early 1980s and there were 29 other terms in scientific literature that described the condition, including sexual compulsiveness, excessive sexual desire disorder and hyper-sexuality.

The preferred contemporary term is out-of-control sexual behaviors (OOCSB).

"It's widely misunderstood and stigmatized," Faislander told AFP.

"There's no known effective treatment. We don't know what causes it or how we treat it."

Because of the embarrassment people feel discussing the subject, Faislander's study used an anonymous online survey to quiz 621 people about their sex lives. 407 identified themselves as sex addicts while 214 were not.

The survey asked if they engaged in online sex, prostitution, sex in public or with multiple partners, as well as examining areas such as alcohol use and feelings of self worth.

"The OOCSB group reported higher rates of insecure styles of attachment, characterized by a perspective of relationships as threatening, and feelings of either anxiety towards or avoidance of closeness or intimacy," the study found.

In contrast, non-sex addicts found intimacy desirable and rewarding, felt secure in relationships and regarded their partners as trustworthy.

Faislander said studies estimated 3-6 percent of the population had the condition in the US, where sex addiction clinics have sprung up in recent years treating stars such as Woods, actor David Duchovny and comedian Russell Brand.

She said no such treatment was available in New Zealand, where self-help groups including Sex and Love Addicts and Sexaholics Anonymous use 12-step programs based on those pioneered by Alcoholics Anonymous.

While Faislander's study was not peer reviewed, she hopes to gain a doctorate in clinical psychology and conduct further research on treating out-of-control sexual behaviours.

Source: http://thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=Study+shows+sex+addicts+fear+intimacy&NewsID=269750 

ड्रग्स लिएको कुरा बच्चाको खेल जस्तो होइन

ड्रग्स लिएको कुरा बच्चाको खेल जस्तो होइन
-बसन्तराज कुँवर

आज विहानै नेपालको पाटन शहरबाट मलाई कुनै व्यक्तिले फोन गर्नु भयो र भन्नु भयो ‘बसन्त सर मेरो छोराले अलि अलि ड्रग्स खाएको जस्तो छ’ । वहाँको वाक्य पुरा नहुँदै मैले विचैमा प्रश्न गरें, “अलि अलि भनेको के हो ?”वहाँ मेरो प्रश्नले थोरै अकमकिनु भयो र भन्नु भयो, “मेरो भन्नुको मतलब उ अरु जस्तो ड्रग्स एडिक्ट होइन”, मैले फेरी प्रश्न गरें, “अरु जस्तो भनेको कस्तो हो ? तपाईले कति ड्रग्स खानेहरु माथि अध्ययन गर्नु भएको छ ?” वहाँ फेरी अकमकाउनु भयो र भन्नु भयो, “मेरो छोराले गाँजा, व्राउन सुगर खाँदैन खाली टैवलेट मात्र खान्छ” यस पछि पनि मलाई वहाँको कुरामा थुप्रै प्रश्नहरु गर्नु पर्ने थियो तर मैले गरिन र वहाँलाई संझाउन थालें कि पहिला आमावावुले ड्रग्स सेवन गर्ने वच्चाको सम्बन्धमा आफै धारणा बनाउनु हुँदैन बल्की त्यस्तो धारणा बनाउने काम विशेषज्ञलाई छोडी दिनु पर्दछ ।” आफै विशेषज्ञ बन्न खोज्दा ठूलो आर्थिक क्षति हुने मात्र होइन त्यस्तै परे दुव्र्यसनमा परेका छोरा वा छोरीको ज्यान पनि जान सक्छ ।
जुन अभिभावकले मलाई पाटनबाट फोन गरी रहनु भएको थियो वहाँलाई ड्रग्सको सेवन अलि अलि र धेरै हुन्छ भन्ने भ्रम थियो । हामीले के बुझ्नु पर्दछ भने चोरी कार्य अलि अलि र धेरै भयो भन्दैमा चोरको स्तर फरक हुँदैन । कुनै केटी वा केटाले कसैलाई बालत्कार ग¥यो भने अलि अलि वा धेरै हुन सक्दैन । मूख्य कुरा भनेको चोरी भएको छ वा छैन ? त्यस्तै वालत्कार भएको छ वा छैन ? भन्ने महत्वपूर्ण कुरो हो । चोरी गर्छ वा वलत्कार गर्छ भने त्यस्को पटकको आधारमा उ माथिको विश्वास तल माथि हुन सक्तैन । उदाहरणको लागि कुनै घरमा नोकर बस्न आएको व्यक्तिले मैले ३ पटक मात्र चोरी गरेको छु भन्यो भने त्यो घर मालिकले ए यस्ले त सय पटक त चोरी गरेको रहेनछनी भनेर उ माथि विश्वास गर्न सक्तैन । त्यसैगरी अर्को कुरो के हुन्छ भने चाहे सियो चोरेको होस्, सुनको सिक्री चोरेको होस् वा लैपटप चोरेको होस् कुरो के चो¥यो भन्ने भन्दा पनि उसको चोरी गर्ने वानि रहेछ भन्ने कुरा महत्वपूर्ण हुन्छ । कुनै नोकार हुन चाहने व्यक्तिले यदि कुनै घरपेटीलाई मैले खाली चम्चा मात्र चोरी गरेको हुँ तर सुनको सिक्री चाँही चोरेको हैन भन्यो भने त्यो घरपेटीले त्यस अवस्थामा पनि पक्कै उसलाई जागीरमा राख्न आँट गर्ने छैन र भन्ने छ यो चोर रहेछ चाहे जे सुकै चोरेको किन नहोस् । यस व्यक्तिको चोर्ने बानी रहेछ ।
लागु औषध लिनेको हकमा पनि यस्तै हुन्छ । पहिला कुरा हामीले के थाहा पाउनु पर्दछ भने यस व्यक्तिले लागु औषध लिन्छ वा लिँदैन ? कि लिन्छ कि लिदैन ? यस मध्य के हो ? त्यो कुराको एकिन गर्नु पर्दछ । यदि उसले लटठ्याउने पदार्थ जस्तै रक्सी, वियर, वाइन, हिरोइन, व्राउनसुगर, निन्द्रा लाग्ने औषधी, डिप्रेसनको औषधी, पेनकिलर, कोकिन, क्र्याक्स, सुवुटेक्स, मेथाडोन, सुँघेर लट्ठीने डेनड्राइट जस्ता कुराहरु मुखवाट, नाकवाट वा रगतवाट लिई रहेको छ भने हामीले बुझ्नु पर्दछ उसले लागु औषध लिइ रहेको छ ।
अव दोश्रो कुरा हामीले के बुझ्नु पर्दछ भने त्यो व्यक्तिले त्यस्ता लागु पदार्थ सेवन कुनै चिकित्सकको सिफारिसमा गरी रहेको छ कि आफुखुसी सेवन गरी रहेको छ ? यदि आफुखुशी सेवन गरी रहेको छ भने हामीले बुझ्नु पर्दछ त्यस व्यक्तिले लागु पदार्थको दुरुपयोग गरी रहेको छ ।
अब तेश्रो कुरा हामीले के बुझ्नु पर्दछ भने त्यस व्यक्तिले लिएको लागु पदार्थ त्यस व्यक्तिले छोड्न चाहेमा वा अरुले छोड भनेमा त्याग्न सक्छ कि सक्क्तैन ? उदाहरणको लागि कुनै व्यक्तिले रक्सी सेवन गरी रहेको छ र उसले म खब देखि रक्सी सेवन गर्दिन भनी त्याग्न खोजेमा त्याग्न सक्छ कि सक्तैन ? त्यस्तै कसैले व्राउन सुगर लिइरहेको छ भने अब देखि लिन्न भनेपछि त्यो वस्तुको सेवन रोक्न सक्छ कि सक्दैन ? यदि सक्छ भने हामीले बुझ्नु प¥यो त्यस लागु औषध माथि त्यस व्यक्तिको नियन्त्रण रहेछ र यदि सकेन भने हामीले बुझ्नु प¥यो त्यस लागु औषध माथि अव देखि त्यस व्यक्तिको नियन्त्रण गुमेछ । यो स्थिति दुव्र्यसनका दृष्टिकोणले खतरानाक अवस्था हो ।
चौथो, कुरा अब के बुझ्नु पर्दछ भने जुन लागुऔषध उसले लिने गर्दछ त्यो लागु औषध उसले सेवन गर्न पाएन भने उसलाई कुनै शारिरीक मानसिक समस्या आउँछ कि आउँदैन ? उदाहरणको लागि कुनै व्यक्तिको रक्सी सेवन गर्न नपाउने वित्तिकै हाथहरु काम्न थालेमा वा कसैले टैवलेट खान नपाउने वित्तिकै उसलाई रातभर निन्द्रा परेन वा कसैले मेथाडोन वा व्राउनसुगर खान नपाउने वित्तिकै उसको जिउ दुख्न थाल्यो वा डिप्रेसन भएको महसुस गर्न थाल्यो वा कसैले लटठ्याउने कुरा सुँघ्न नपाउने वित्तिकै उसको टाउको दुख्न थाल्यो वा बान्ता होला जस्तो भयो भने हामीले बुझ्नु पर्दछ अब यो व्यक्ति दुव्र्यसनी भयो अर्थात लागु औषध नपाउँदा अव उसलाई शारीरिक मानसिक समस्या शुरु हुन थाले छ । दुव्र्यसन भनेको यहि अवस्था हो ।
अब यसैगर िपाँचौ चरणमा हामीले के कुरा बुझ्नु पर्दछ भने त्यो व्यक्तिले लागु औषध नियमित लिनका लागि अव अनैतिक काम गर्न थाल्यो कि थालेन ? उदाहरणको लागि झुठो बोल्न थाल्यो थालेन, पैसा मास्न थाल्यो थालेन, पढाई छोड्ने वा फेल हुन थाल्यो थालेन, काम गरेको ठाउँमा गएल पर्न थाल्यो थालेन । यदि थाल्यो भने बुझ्नु पर्छ कि अब त्यो व्यक्ति सामान्य जिवन यापन गर्न नसक्ने हुँदै जाँदैछ ।
जसरी आज डिनर खाने वा लन्च खाने भने पछि संसारमा लाखौं थरीका भोजन हुन सक्छन् । कसैले आलुलाई लन्छ भन्न सक्छन्, कसैले मासुलाई, कसैले पाउरोटीलाई त कसैले भात वा ढिडोलाई । यसमा लन्च वा डिनर भन्ने कुराको मुख्य विशेषता के हुनुपर्दछ भने त्यो लिएको बस्तुले व्यक्तिको भोख सान्त गराउनु पर्दछ । त्यसै गरी संसारमा रुख, पात, जरा, पाउडर, जीव जन्तुको विष, रसायन, टैवलेट, झोल लगायत अनेकौं रुप र आकृतिका लाखौं प्रकारका लटठ्याउने चिज बस्तु हुने गर्दछन् जसलाई हामीले अहिले ड्रग्स भन्ने गर्दछौं । लटठ्याउने कुरा कुनै ठूलो सानो हुँदैन । ति विष नै हुन्छ । एउटा झिङ्गा मार्ने विष र हात्ती मार्ने विषलाई कुन ठूलो मान्ने ? दुवै विष नै हुन् । धेरै प्रकारका खानेकुराले व्यक्ति अघाए झै धेरै थरीका ड्रग्सले व्यक्ति लट्ठीएको हुन सक्छ । जुनसुकै प्रकारको लटठ्याउने कुरा लिएको भएपछि लागु औषध लिएकै मान्नु पर्दछ र त्यो चिज छोड भन्दा छोड्न नसक्ने अवस्थामा पुगेको भए अव त्यो व्यक्ति दुव्र्यसनी भएछ भनेर मान्नु पर्दछ । त्यस दिन पाटनवाट फोन गर्ने अभिभावकले यो कुरा बुझेका रहेनछन् । मैले बुझाउन प्रयास गरें । अन्तत उनले बुझे र झस्के ।
आज हज्जारौं परिवार जस्का छोरा छोरी लागु औषध समस्यामा छन् उनीहरु बर्षौसम्म मेरो छोरा वा छोरी अरु जस्तो दुव्र्यसनी होइन भन्दै भ्रममा बसेका छन् । यस प्रकारको भ्रममा पर्नु हुँदैन । कुनै पनि लटठ्याउने बस्तु लिएको छ भने गम्भीरतापूर्वक लिनै पर्दछ । ड्रग्स लिएको कुरा बच्चाको खेल जस्तो होइन ।

Where is our 1/3 Nepal?

Treaty of 1950  with India

 

Treaty of “Peace and Friendship” between the Government of India and the Government of Nepal, 1950.

The Government of India and the Government of Nepal recognizing the ancient ties which have happily existed between the two countries for centuries;Desiring still further to strengthen and develop these ties and to perpetuate peace between the two countries;Have resolved therefore to enter into a Treaty of Peace and Friendship with each other, and have, for this purpose,appointed as their plenipotentiaries the following persons, namely,  THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, HIS EXCELLENCY SHRI CHADRESHWAR PRASAD NARAIN SINGH, Ambassador of India in Nepal; THE GOVERNMENT OF NEPAL, MOHANSHAMSHER JANG BAHADUR RANA, Maharaja, Prime Minister and Supreme-Commander- in-Chief of Nepal, who having

examined each other’s credentials and found them good and in due form have agreed as follows:

 

ARTICLE-1

 There shall be everlasting peace and friendship between the government of India and the Government of Nepal. The two Governments agree mutually to acknowledge and respect the complete sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of each other.

 

ARTICLE-2

The two Governments hereby undertake to inform each other of any serious friction or misunderstanding with any neighboring State likely to cause any breach in the friendly relations subsisting between the two Governments.

 

ARTICLE-3

In order to establish and maintain the relations referred to in Article 1 the two Governments agree to continue diplomatic relations with each other by means of representatives with such staff as is necessary for the due performance of their functions.The representatives and such of their staff as may be agreed upon shall enjoy such diplomatic privileges and immunities as are customarily granted by international law on a reciprocal basis:Provided that in no case shall these be less than those granted to persons of a similar status of any other State having diplomatic relations with either Government.

 

ARTICLE-4 

The tow Governments agree to appoint Consuls-General, Consuls, vice-consuls and other consular agents, who shall reside in towns, ports and other places in each other’s territory as may be agreed to.

 Consuls-General, Consuls, vice-consuls and consular agents shall be provided with executors or other valid authorization of  their appointment. Such executor or authorization is liable to be withdrawn by the country which issued it, if considered necessary. The reasons for the withdrawal shall be indicated wherever possible.The persons mentioned above shall enjoy on a reciprocal basis all the rights, privileges, exemptions and immunities that are accorded to persons of corresponding status of any other State.

 

ARTICLE-5

The Government of Nepal shall be free to import, from or through the territory of India, arms, ammunition or warlike material and equipment necessary for the security of Nepal. The procedure for giving effect to this arrangement shall be worked out by the two Governments acting in consultation.

 

ARTICLE-6

Each Government undertakes, in token of the neighborly friendship between India and Nepal, to give to the nationals of the other, in its territory, national treatment with regard to participation in industrial and economic development of such-territory and to the grant of concessions and contracts relating to such development.

  

ARTICLE-7

The Governments of India and Nepal agree to grant, on a reciprocal basis, to the nationals of one country in the territories of the other the same privileges in the matter of residence, ownership of property,participation in trade and commerce, movement that privileges of a similar nature

.

ARTICLE-8

So far as matters dealt with herein are concerned, this Treaty cancels all previous treaties, agreements, and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the British Government and the Government of Nepal.

 

ARTICLE-9

This Treaty shall come into force from the date of signature by both Governments.

 

ARTICLE-10

The Treaty shall remain in force until its is terminated by either party by giving one year’s notice.   Done in duplicate at Kathmandu this 31st day of July, 1950.(Sd.) CHANDRESHWAR PRASAD NARAIN SINGH For the Government of India(Sd.) MOHAN SHAMSHER JANG BAHADUR RANA For the Government of Nepal Letter from the Ambassador of India to the Prime Minister of Nepal Kathmandu Dated the 31st July 1950YOUR HIGHNESS,In the course of our discussion of the Treaties of Peace and Friendship and of Trade and Commerce which have been happily concluded between the Government of India and the Government of Nepal, we agreed that certain matters of details be regulated by an exchange of letters. In pursuance of this understanding, it is hereby agreed between the two Governments:Neither Government shall tolerate any threat to the security of the other by a foreign aggressor. To deal with any such threat, the two Governments shall consult with each other and devise effective countermeasures.Any arms, ammunition or warlike material and equipment necessary for the security of Nepal that the Government of Nepal may import through the territory of India shall be so imported with the assistance and agreement of the Government of India. The Government of India will take steps for the smooth and expeditious transport of such arms and ammunition through India.In regard to Article 6 of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship which provides for national treatment, the Government of India recognize that it may be necessary for some time to come to afford the Nepalese nationals in Nepal protection from unrestricted competition. The nature and extent of this protection will be determined as and when required by mutual agreement between the two Governments.It the Government of Nepal should decide to seek foreign assistance in regard to the development of the natural resources of, or of any industrial project in Nepal, the Government of Nepal shall give first preference to the Government or the nationals of India, as the case may be, provided that the terms offered by the Government of India or Indian nationals, as the case may be, are not less favorable to Nepal than the terms offered by any other foreign Government or by other foreign nationals.Nothing in the foregoing provision shall apply to assistance that the Government of Nepal may seek from the United Nations Organization or any of its specialized agencies.Both Governments agree not to employ any foreigners whose activity may be prejudicial to the security of the other.Either Government may make representations to the other in this behalf, as and when occasion requires.

 

Please accept Your Highness, the assurances of my highest consideration.(Sd.) MOHAN SHAMSHER JANG BAHADUR RANA Maharaja, Prime Minister and Supreme Commander-in-chief of Nepal. 

(This letter was submitted by the Indian ambassador and approved by the Rana prime minister at the last hour of the Rana oligarchy’s power holding.)

 

Source:http://www.scribd.com/doc/44282056/Treaty-of-1950-With-India

Ever Cried For Your Country?

                   Nepalese complain about the caste system and corrupt officers. They openly vent their anger against the government. But have they ever thought About Nepal's real problems? I believe that they have not. I want to say that Nepal's real problems are lack of patriotism among the people and lack of love for one another. This is the conclusion I have reached during my stay in Nepal. This summer, I did voluntary work from July 5 to July 30 at FHI Ever Vision School, Matatirtha, Kathmandu.
  Let me first tell you about my country, Korea. This might help you understand my point. Just after the Korean War, which claimed lives of more than 5 million Koreans, Korea was one of the poorest countries in the world. Without natural resources, Korea had no choice but to desperately struggle for its survival by all means. Under this gloomy situation, Koreans envied other Asian countries like Japan, Taiwan, and Nepal. Korean government officials were horribly corrupt. With the dual classes of Yangban (nobles) and Sangnom(peasants) , Korean society was sickening day by day. However, Koreans, having determination to become rich, overcame the unfair social structure and put the country onto the track of development. When the former president Park Jung Hee took over the government, there were few factories in Korea. Korea could not attract loans or expect foreign investments. Under these circumstances, President Park 'exported' miners and nurses to then West Germany. The salaries that they earned were used to building factories and promoting industrialization of Korea. In 1964, when President Park visited then West Germany, the miners and nurses asked the president when the Koreans would become rich. The president replied, crying with the miners and nurses, that someday the Koreans would become rich.   Many of Korean scientists and engineers, who could just enjoy comfortable lives in the United States, returned to Korea with only one thing in their mind: the determination to make Korea the most powerful and prosperous country in the world. They did their best even though their salaries were much less than what they would have received in other countries. The Koreans believed that they have the ability to change their desperate situation and that they must make the country better, not only for themselves but also for the future generations yet to come. My parents' generation sacrificed themselves for their families and the country. They worked 14 hours a day, and risked their lives working under inhumane conditions. The mothers, who went to work in factories, fed their babies while operating machines in dangerous environments. They always tried to teach their children the true value of 'hard work'. Finally, all of these hard works and sacrifices made the prosperous Korea that you see now. Nepalese! Have you ever cried for your country? I heard that many of Nepali youth do not love their Nepal. I also heard that they want to leave Nepal because they don't like caste system, or because they want to escape the severe poverty. However, they should be the first ones to voluntarily work for Nepal's development, not the first ones to complain and speak against their country.   I have a dream that someday I would be able to free the souls from suffering from the underdeveloped countries, anachronistic customs and the desperate hunger. My belief has become stronger than ever after seeing the reality in Nepal.
     A child with a fatal disease who doesn't have enough money to buy a pill; a child living in what seems like a pre-historic dwelling and not having the opportunity to receive education; and a student who cannot succeed, no matter how hard he studies, just because of the class he comes from. A society, in which wives not only take care of children but also work in the fields, while their husbands waste their time doing nothing; a society in which a five-year-old must labour in a brick factory to feed herself. Looking at the reality of Nepal, I was despaired, yet this sense of despair strengthened my belief. I already know that many of the Nepalese are devout Hindus. However, nothing happens if you just pray to hundreds of thousands of gods while doing nothing. It is the action that you and Nepal need for the better future. For Nepal and yourselves, you have to show your love to your neighbours and country just as you do to Gods. You know that your Gods will be pleased when you work for the development of your country and improvement of your lives. Therefore, please, love your neighbours and country. Teach your children to love their country. And love the working itself. Who do you think will cry for your Nepal? Who do you think will be able to respect the spirit of Himalayas and to keep the lonely flag representing it? You are the ones responsible for leading this beautiful country to a much brighter future. This responsibility lies on you.

Source:
The writer is a 15 year-old student of Hankuk Academy of Foreign Studies, South Korea
Mr. BAN WHI MIN